History of Nationalism in Israel

History of Nationalism in Israel Promised Land, Crusader State: The Rise, Fall and Return of the Covenant Nation A dissertation submitted by 58126 to the Department of Government, the London School of Economics and Political Science, in part completion of the requirements for the MSc in Comparative Politics (Conflict Studies) September 1st, 2008 Word Count: ABSTRACT Several prominent comparativists claim that Israel is an outlier case a unique case study that generally defies most conventional forms of categorization. Such an allegation naturally assumes Israel to be exceptional and its behavior inexplicable. The assumption of Israels uniqueness was born during the marked epistemological shift from behavioral crossnational inquiries to more contextually and historically-derived theories, and has undermined Israels place in comparative politics. This dissertation seeks to place Israel and its behavior squarely back into the mix and up against much of the same scrutiny faced by other nation-states. By shifting again from a contextually and historically-derived theory of nationalism towards a more cognitive and tradition-based approach, centered on the ethno-symbolic approach professed by Anthony D. Smith and John Hutchinson, elements of Israels nationalism and national identity are analyzed as contributing to its existence as a zone of conflict a nd to its violent behavior. An analysis of the Covenant Nation as a new comparative category that presupposes the idea of; (i) a chosen people, in (ii) a Promised Land, that uses (iii) blood sacrifice in order to fulfill a redemptive destiny and a commitment to worldly salvation, is highlighted. Limited comparisons to other covenant nations are drawn where applicable. Introduction: Since 1948, Israel has been regarded by some as an occupying force in the Middle East. That Israel, and Jews in general, could be a conquering and occupying people given their fate in the first half of the twentieth century as a nation without a home, victims of anti-Semitism and persecution is confusing to many. For reasons such as this, Israel has long been considered an outlier case by political scientists (Barnett 1996, ch.1). To the point of emphasis, it is argued that Israel defies most categorization, which has become the methodology employed by comparativists in order to understand states and state behavior. Categorizing usually requires classifying a case study under dichotic, or opposite, adjectives; Israel being neither East nor West, developed nor underdeveloped, capitalist nor socialist, Third World nor First World therefore, becomes difficult to study (Barnett 1996, 7). Furthermore, Israel has routinely been excluded from geographically specific studies or regional studies, since it is often considered an alien entity in the Middle East. However, despite Israels historical particularity, Israel is not an alien entity in the Middle East and its behavior is not inexplicable. While differences certainly exist categorically between Israel and other states, they both nevertheless share many of the same traits and concerns characteristics that might have similar origins. It will be argued that in order to understand Israel, both as a nation-state and as it behaves, one needs to understand Israeli nationalist sentiments. Nationalism in itself is a difficult thing to define. Where does it come from? What does it entail? How deeply is it entrenched? The answers to these questions, and many like them, could explain why a nation-state behaves in the way that it does. There are two major competing schools of thought when it comes to understanding nationalism, (a) the modernists, and (b) the primordialists. The modernists would date nationalism to industrialism, the development of capitalism, or to the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars. The primordialists, on the other hand, see nationalism as dating back much farther possibly to even before history was recorded. Under this train of thought, Israel might date its nationalism back to the Hebrew Bible. Essentially, it all depends on where in history one chooses to draw the line. This paper will primarily argue that in order to understand Israel as an inherently violent and conflict-laden nation-state it is necessary to move away from the established contextually-derived theories of nationalism and move to one that is more cognitively based. In so doing, this paper will show that Israel is in fact a state like all others. It is not an anomaly, nor methodologically suspect its behavior not inexplicable. Regardless of its ancient historic roots, and despite its recent induction as a state among the family of nations, Israels nationalism should not be analyzed according to the dates of its borders, citizens, infrastructure, or institutions. In a more cognitive approach, Israels nationalism should be understood by the borders, beliefs and people themselves. As such, it will be shown that Israel is the archetypical Covenant Nation a category that exists free from both time and space. Such a theory of nationalism can thus draw on elements from either modern or pr e-modern periods/approaches and need not be based on regional developments or similarities. Israel, like all covenant nations, is inherently conflict-laden. As will be laid out in much greater detail, covenant nations have a strategic culture born of three identifying features/beliefs that make them violent and militaristic in nature. Covenant nations are under a seemingly contractual obligation to defend and secure the idea of; (i) a chosen people, in (ii) a Promised Land, using (iii) blood sacrifice. When the covenant nation theory is highlighted as the root cause of violence, it becomes clear that a solution to the Israeli/Palestinian conflict becomes much more difficult to ascertain. Conflict becomes unrelated to geopolitical realities or existing/imagined security dilemmas, but to an embedded sense of national superiority, a contractual obligation to fulfill the prophecy of the covenant and, derivatively, a commitment to worldly salvation. Thus, while many scholars claim Israel is an outlier case like no other, they are wrong from the outset by trying to assign Israel to conventional and contextual comparativist categories. Israel and its behavior can and should be understood much the same as other states as reactive to its nationalist sentiments, wherever derived. As will be shown, Israel has always been a conquering and occupying nation. It was true of Israels ancient past, it is true of its present and unless a drastic change occurs deep within the embedded (and sacred) structure of Zionism, it will be true of its distant future. The Nation General Definitions and Theories Quest ce-quune nation? Renans question still echoes after more than a century. In recent decades throughout the historical milieu referred to as the post-colonial era a copious amount of interest and attention has been dedicated to the study of nationalism. While no singular definition is agreed on by scholars, for the purpose of this paper a nation will be defined generally as a group that defines itself or is defined by others as sharing common descent and culture [] that also has political consciousness, claiming collective political rights in a given territory (Mann 2005, 11). A nation-state can thus be defined as an entity wherein a nation has its own sovereign state, situated within enunciated and politically defined territorial borders be they universally recognized or not. Scholars of various disciplines have attempted to provide an explanation for the rise, meaning and development of nationalism in human history and societies. The phenomenon of the constitution of nations and national identities, the emergence of national sentiments, the construction of nationhood and nationalist ideologies, appear to all be interrelated constituents of a single phenomenon. Nevertheless, competing theories of nationalism exist the major schism existing between modernists and primordialists. Modernists, such as Gellner and Anderson, assume that the origins of nations and nationalism lie in the structural changes that affected economic and social systems during the industrial revolution at the end of the eighteenth century (Gellner 2006, 48-49), implicitly denying cultural factors. In the opinion of the modernists, the introduction of new means of production and the division of labor caused a restructuring of social relations and the polarization of class interests. Nationalism emerged as a means to promote and direct change through the creation of a popular solidarity as well as a means to protect and promote class interests (Anderson 1991, 113-114). The prevalence of one intention over another brings about the constitution of different political organizations depending on the nature the political system. So to speak, nationalism is identified by the modernists with the process of nation-building a nation being a mere artificial construction fuelled by class interests. The primordialist notion of nationalism contrasts with that proposed by the modernists. Scholars such as Hastings, Smith and Geertz, believe that nations are natural givens (Hastings 1997, 5). Consequently, it is possible to find traces of nationalism and nationhood in ancient times. The feeling of belonging, the acknowledgement among a group of people sharing common cultural, racial, linguistic traits, a common ancestry, history or religion, is a documented fact in history (Smith 1994, 40). Groups tended to bind together by these ties. The proclivity to coalesce around these shared traits, or focal points, brought about the rise of politically and socially organized nations claiming sovereignty over a territory. In fact, it is Anthony D. Smiths many contributions to the theory of ethnosymbolism in particular that figure most prominently in a discussion of Israeli nationalism, and upon which I have based my initial observations and thesis. Ethnosymbolism is founded on the historical origins of nations particularly to their roots in premodern times and focuses its attention on perceptions, beliefs, symbols, rituals, and shared myths and memories. Although the ethnosymbolic approach focuses on subjective cultural and symbolic rudiments, their long term patterning produces a structure of relations and processes [] which can provide a framework for the socialization of successive generations of ethnic and national members (Smith 1999, 14). In more basic terms, the origin and descent of the community are recollected and transmitted to new members of the group by memory as interpreted by earlier generations. This subjective version of a nations origins is understood through ethnohistory rather t han any official historians lens (Coughlan 2001, 160). Before turning to the difference between history and historical traditions on Israeli national identity and behavior in the following section, allow me to first part ways with Anthony D. Smith and highlight our major difference. In War and Ethnicity: the Role of Warfare in the Formation, Self-Images and Cohesion of Ethnic Identities, Smith argues in sum that war has been a powerful factor in shaping certain crucial aspects of ethnic communities and nationhood. He points to Georg Simmels cohesion thesis, which asserts that external armed conflict or the imminent threat thereof produces all internal group solidarity (Smith 1981, XX). In so doing, Smith turns war and its variations into an independent variable that moulds the ethnic community, and invariably the nation. Though I do agree that war and conflict certainly have the ability to accentuate and exacerbate group identity and cohesion, I contend to the contrary that group cohesion is the primary cause of war and conflict. As su ch, war is the dependent variable that finds its existence and explanation in the more common group aggression theory. Thus, it is not war that creates a sense of belonging and community, but a sense of community and belonging that leads to war and conflict and the sense of belonging and community within the Covenant Nation typifies that. The Rise of the Nation-State: Context vs. Cognition To suggest that Israel is in fact an inherently violent nation-state on account of the Covenant, it is necessary to first dispel the myth that all nation-states are violent, and to trace Israels legacy back beyond its establishment. A long-standing assumption among several prominent political theorists suggests that all nation-states are inherently violent because they are forged in warfare. Richard Bean, in War and the Nation State, argues that beginning in the fourteenth century changes in the art of war inextricably led to the rise of centralized states for the purpose of raising taxes (Bean 1973, 220). It is possible, however, that the nation-state by general concept, if not by definition predates medieval changes in the art of war, and certainly Westphalia. Greek city-states, like Sparta, can be seen as examples of very homogeneous societies with developed political structures, taxation, and mutual obligations between government and citizens. Regardless, ancient historical cas es such as these would likely only serve to highlight the linkage between warfare and the birth of the nation-state. On the other end of the spectrum, what can be said about nation-states that have emerged contemporarily? Taking Israel as an example, a state that came into being by means of a vote in the United Nations, it is easy to suggest that the Arab-Israeli wars following its establishment have played a prominent role in the shaping of modern-day Israel. However, shaping by definition is not synonymous with forging. In the first instance, it is my intention to show that nation-states are not forged explicitly in warfare, but on traditions of warfare wherever derived. The purpose is to rephrase the hypothesis that nation-states are forged in warfare into one more universally applicable. For this, it is necessary to first presume that the nation, with its sense of community and belonging, existed prior. It will be shown that; from (i) a nations strategic culture, come (ii) traditions of warfare, which (iii) lead to a greater sense of national identity, on which (iv) nation-states have been forged. In so doing, I move the discourse away from a contextually derived theory of nationalism to a more cognitive-based approach, in which Anthony D. Smiths contributions to ethnosymbolism (as outlined above) figure prominently. A nation-states strategic culture is the obvious place to look for evidence of a war-born society. Strategic culture is defined by Alistair Iain Johnston as an ideational milieu which limits behavior choices. This milieu consists of shared assumption and decision rules that impose a degree of order on individual and group conceptions of their relationship to their social, organizational or political environment (Johnston 1995, 34). Essentially, it all comes down to security. A strategic culture is shaped from a shared sense of self-perception and threat perception of a specific group of people. It is necessary to assume that if a national group has a strong historical sense of war, aggressiveness, victimization, and/or persecution, that these sentiments would play out in their strategic culture, and would limit behavior choice and influence decision-making. Once forged into nation-states these strategic cultures continue to exist, and therefore become good indicators of how groups vi ew warfare and how their states came into being. In order to analyze a nation-states strategic culture properly, it is important to consider that the study of strategic culture itself has two distinct epistemological approaches context and cognition. Those that believe a strategic culture is based in context would claim that the historical record of the nation, even before its conception as a nation-state, is important to study. Basically, the nation-state expresses its national identity based on its national character. Therefore, a states strategic culture is based on its past it is path dependent. On the other hand, cognitivists see strategic culture as an integrated system of symbols (Johnston 1995, 35). Included in this integrated system of symbols are structures, languages, analogies, myths, metaphors, etc. In this approach national identity, as related to strategic culture, is more easily discernable through the study of a nation-states wartime symbols than a nation states wartime history. Carolyn Marvin and David Ingle, in their book Blood Sacrifice and the Nation, also argue that symbols (like a flag) can be very telling indicators that lead one to uncover the nature of nationalism that exists within a state. In Fallen Soldiers, George Mosse looks to nation-states war memorials: cemeteries, songs, poems and commemorations, for clues. Essentially, a nations sentiments regarding warfare might differ from its experience; they might have been shaped or molded. When trying to find the link between the birth of a nation-state and warfare, symbols offer yet another variable to consider. Due to the fact that there are two different ways to approach the study of strategic culture, and by association an element of a nation-states national identity, a clear distinction can be made between proper warfare and traditions of warfare. Traditions, like symbols, need not be based on truth or historical accuracy. There is a tradition of Santa Clause bringing presents to nice children despite there being no assumption of truth behind such a practice and certainly no historical record to legitimize it. Traditions are sometimes developed more because they serve a purpose, than because they truly commemorate something. When considering nation-state formation it is important to properly choose which traditions are worth investigating. Relating to strategic culture, or any issue that shapes a nation-states identity, it is important that a tradition have; (i) solid national support, (ii) outlived the era that gave it birth, (iii) entered the permanent lexicon of national discourse, and (iv) continued to resonate with a portion of public opinion even at a time when it was not directly affecting public policy (McDougall, Ch.1). As will be shown with the case of Israel, traditions of warfare that have passed the scrutiny of the limitations listed above have played a role in developing national identity, and ultimately forging a nation-state. Modern day Israel is a good example of a nation-state forged on traditions of warfare, and not explicitly in warfare. As suggested above the first place to look for evidence of the link between warfare and state formation would be in a nation-states strategic culture. Israels strategic culture has long been dominated by the realist tradition (Dowty 1998, 84). The realist view of security has solid national support in Israel, it has outlived the era that gave it birth, it has entered the permanent lexicon of national discourse, and even during times of relative peace it continues to resonate with a portion of public opinion. Israels strategic culture is not only realist with regards to self-defense, but also in its offense. The leftist scholars who would date Zionism to Theodor Herzls avowedly socialist ideals of establishing a free, humanitarian and egalitarian state in the Jewish homeland to escape the increasing anti-Semitism of late-nineteenth century Europe (Avineri, 1981, 88-89) are shortsighted in their efforts. There is no such thing as nineteenth and twentieth century Zionism it is only Zionism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The bleak and destructive history of the Jews in Europe plays little significance in Israeli mamlachtiyut, or statism. The traditions that have forged the Israeli nation-state and limit its behavior choices can and should be dated back to the Hebrew Bible. For example, one might choose to examine the myth of the Covenant Nation, and how that played out during the Hebrews first experiment with forging a state following Joshuas invasion of Canaan, as evidence. The invasion represents a realist tradition of conquering and occupying. Whether or not the Hebrew Bible represents an accurate historical rendition or whether it has any academic merit at all is outside the scope of discussion. After all, when providing an account for Israels strategic culture, the scriptures can be analyzed as being contextually historical or as a symbol of cognition. Either way fact or fiction they provide a tradition from which to inherit a strategic culture from, and on which to forge a nation-state. Thus, the argument that Richard Bean makes; that nation-states developed out of the need for a strong central authority to levy taxes due to changes in the art of war, is unconvincing. To the point of emphasis, most modern economic-dependent nationalist arguments are limited when one considers ancient examples of national groups coming together to forge polities within defined and enunciated borders. Cases such as these simply highlight the fact that the forging of a nation-state draws more on myths, sentiments and symbols of collective fear, threat, pride, angst, aspiration, victimization, xenophobia and so forth when grouping together to organize politically. The above sentiments combine to form a strategic culture, from which traditions, national identity and greater cohesiveness are born. The nation-state was born as a response to a need for security; the traditions that transmit that feeling be they contextually or cognitively derived are what inevitably forge nation-states an d determine how violently they will behave. Though it may be true that many nation-states are forged explicitly in warfare (and are established using means of warfare), it is not a universal truth. Instead, it should be argued that nation-states are forged on traditions of warfare traditions that once were prescriptive and later become predictive. Covenant Nations As mentioned above, a strategic culture is shaped from a shared sense of self-perception and threat perception of a specific group of people. It is my assertion (to the contrary of international relations theorists) that Israels strategic culture has nothing to do with threat perception; geopolitical realities and security dilemmas are but moot points. Israel has adopted and further developed a strategic culture based solely on a particular tradition of self-perception that of the Covenant Nation. Defining the term Covenant Nation is not as simple as it may appear; its definition is hard to come by because it involves describing a process more than an entity. Simply put, the covenant is a tradition of ethnic election. The process of ethnic election is a multi-staged process requiring; (i) a sense of being singled out or chosen for a special purpose, (ii) a divine promise whether absolute or conditional made to the chosen people, and (iii) a belief that fulfillment of the covenant leads to worldly salvation (Smith 2003, 48-49). In short, the covenant is a tradition of a contractual agreement between God and His people. Simply put, the Covenant Nation, therefore, is the nation that enters and embodies the covenant. As stated above, traditions need not be based on historical truth or reality; in the ethnosymbolic approach traditions, myths and metaphors offer much the same credence to a debate on nationalism and national identity and thus can serve as an explanation for how nation-states behave. Let me begin by acknowledging that although the term Covenant Nation is rife with religious connotation, I do not intentionally seek to obscure the already blurred lines between religion and nationalism. In fact, I seek to avoid entering the scholarly debate about their ambivalent relationship entirely; I steer clear from scholars like Mark Juergensmeyer, whose work albeit fascinating seeks to compare and contrast the two phenomena and chart their historical interplay (Juergensmeyer 2006, 182). Instead, I point to a recent trend in thinking that sees nationalism itself as a form of belief-system or as a new religion of the people (Smith 2003, 42). George Mosse, in Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars, discusses how during the interwar period in Europe a civic religion of nationalism was born based on the cult of the fallen soldier (Mosse 1990, 104). If in Germany, for example, a civic religion of nationalism was born based on the cult of the fallen soldier, it c an be said that for Israel a civic religion of nationalism is born based on the cult of the chosen people and the cult of the Promised Land. The Covenant has always been the cornerstone of Israels national identity dating back to primordial times. The Hebrew Bible first marks the covenant that God makes with Abram in Genesis 12:2: I will make of you a great nation, and I will bless you. It is important to note that this verse not only represents the birth of the covenant, but at the same time the birth of the nation highlighting their interconnectedness. The nation and the covenant are thus co-determining and mutually implicating; the two entities are defined by their internal relationship, such that the two entities derive their meaning through their relationship and have no meaning or basis without the other. No reason is given as to why Abram (later Abraham) is selected to head the nation that will come to be known as the chosen people, but we are told that his progeny shall; (i) inherit the land of Canaan, and (ii) outnumber the dust of the earth (Gen. 12:7 and 13:6) outlining the divine promise. In return the covenant nation is obliged to circumcise their children (Gen. 17:7-10) and post-exodus to keep the laws and commandments that God gives unto his chosen people, the holy nation, at Mount Sinai (Exod. 19:4-6). Such are the terms of the covenantal contract; if the Chosen People follow Yahwehs rules, he will give them virtue, peace and prosperity [in the Promised Land]. If they are his holy servants, the scriptures say, he will bless them (Akenson 1992, 16). Furthermore, not only do Gods chosen people benefit from fulfillment of the covenant the whole world does. By fulfilling the covenant it is believed that Gods plan of salvation is advanced; so to speak, the salvation of all hinge[s] on the conduct of a special few (Smith 2003, 51). Therefore, it is to the conduct of the special few that we now shift our attention. If the renowned modernist scholar on nationalism Elie Kedourie is correct when he asserts that nationalism produces a kind of religious fanaticism that lends to conflict (Kedourie 1971, XX), the same must certainly hold true of covenantal nationalism and likely to an even greater degree. As stated earlier, covenant nations come under a seemingly contractual obligation to defend and secure the idea of; (i) a chosen people, in (ii) a Promised Land, using (iii) regular blood sacrifice. Furthermore, the fulfillment of the covenant sets the chosen people apart from other peoples both ethically and ritually: Ye shall be holy; for I the Lord your God am holy (Lev. 19:2). If fulfillment of the covenant that is following the laws and commandments within the Promised Land makes one holy and will lead to worldly salvation for all, than any/all efforts to attain that credo become morally indisputable. A self-r ighteous and realist strategic culture develops whereby any actions taken in fulfillment of the covenant become necessary, justified and self-vindicating. The strategic culture associated with the covenant has thus permeated throughout time in much the same way it was born manifested from a belief in choseness, holiness, and obligation. The Jewish nation has always found its grounding in the covenant whether in the times of Elijah or Hezekiah, Josiah or Nehemiah, the Maccabees or the Talmudic Sages [] all of these looked back to the founding charter of the covenant, not just as legitimation but as the grounding for their conception of the community of Israel and the unity of the Jewish people, which they sought to restore or deepen (Smith 2003, 63). It is on this sacred foundation that modern day Israel was also established. Nineteenth century political Zionism can be broken down into three competing schools of thought; (i) the Revisionist Zionists, (ii) the Labor Zionists, and (iii) the Religious Zionists. In many ways revisionist Zionism epitomizes what it means to be a covenant nation. Vladimir Zeev Jabotinsky, the founder of revisionist Zionism, believed that people are naturally born into nations and inherit its cultures and values. So to speak, individuals have very little choice regarding which nationalities they belong to. It was Jabotinskys belief that the Jews represent a particularly strong nation because despite the pressures of the Diaspora they always maintained their originality and distinctness(Dowty, 37). Furthermore, he insisted that the Jewish state be established in Palestine and trans-Jordan because it was the historical legacy of the Jews. On the other hand, Labor Zionism the most influential branch of Zionism at the time considered itself to be totally secular in nature. Aaron David Gordon, founder of Hapoel Hatzair, saw the Jewish life in the Diaspora as dependence and a lack of self-reliance. Building on German-Jewish philosopher Martin Bubers I and Thou, he sought to create a new covenant by reconnecting with the land using the religion of labor (Dowty, 39), and by replacing the old exiled Jew with a new self-reliant Jew. However, under the secular garb of Labor Zionism the language and intent of the original Abrahamic Covenant can be discerned (Smith 2003, 93). Ber Borochov, ideological founder of the Poalei Zion labor movement wrote that class struggles exist within national groups as well as between them, clearly acknowledging a difference between the Jewish nation and other peoples, and advocating an ethnic nationalism, rather than the more open and tolerant civic kind (Howe 2000, 236). For reasons such as th is he sought to establish a Jewish socialist state. It is important to note, however, that not any state would do for Labor Zionists the state was to be established in the Jewish homeland. To the point of emphasis, upon establishment of the state of Israel, David Ben-Gurion, the first Labor Prime Minister of Israel declared the uniqueness of the Hebrew people and the redemptive destiny of Israel on its own soil (Smith 2003, 92-93). In so doing he acknowledged Labor and Religious Zionism to be not only compatible, but complimentary. Religious Zionism was headed by Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook. While it is the usual view that Zionism is a sin and alien culture, a non-Jewish way of life, and that Jews should only return to the Promised Land after messianic redemption, Kook claimed that enhancing attachment to the land is an obligation (Dowty, 44). Essentially, Kook is advocating preparing the land for redemption and salvation and suggests that the secular Zionists are doing holy work by settling the Promised Land. Clearly in all three branches of Zionism the tradition of the covenant remains critical the four deep seated cultural resources that define the covenant nation, namely; community, territory, history and destiny, permeate all of their raisons dà ªtre. By 1948, the underlying dimensions of the covenant nation return to fruition and again form a unifying and legitimizing tradition like in times past. From this tradition a realist strategic culture was born that has; (i) solid national support, (ii) outlived the era that gave it birth, (iii) entered the permanent lexicon of national discourse, and (iv) continued to resonate with a portion of public opinion even during times of relative peace. Biblically, historically and contemporarily time and again the covenant h

Assignment Unit

Some of the things you can buy through e-commerce are physical goods such as clothing, digital goods such as video r photograph, services such as access to paid web content, entertainment such as buying concert tickets, and holidays and hotels can be booked entirely online. Some commerce is entirely electronic from start to finish such as video tracks, however other things through commerce such as clothing begins with an electronic system but then ends with the physical item In the customers hand.Hardware and Software: Around The Clock will need several hardware and software equipment In order to set up their e-commerce system, these Include the following: Web Server: A web server Is something which supplies a web page. Any type of computer can become a web server, firstly you would have to install server software and then connect the machine to the internet.Once this is complete you can type in any URL to the web browser and it doesn't matter where in the world the web page is locat ed you will still be able to access it because you have a web server and the page is on the web, this is why Around the Clock will need a web server so that they can get a wider range of customers, and therefore more profits. A URL is a formatted sting of text used by web browsers, emails and other software to Identify an internet web age, other text documents, graphics or programs. Browsers: A browser Is a piece of software on the Internet that Is used for retrieving Information resources.The Information that Is Identified by a URL can be anything such as a web page, Image, video, or other piece of content on the Internet. A user can put in a web address such as www. Aeronautically. Co. UK into the browser to easily access the web page they are looking for. Although browsers are usually used on the internet to access any web pages they can also be used to access information y web servers in private networks; so this is a possibility for Around The Clock and could be useful for thei r growing company.Server software: Server software is software that allows web developers to add more web pages to their websites with ease; without the software it would be difficult to try and add another web page to a website already made. The software works through a process called FTP (file transfer protocol) this process uploads web pages directly onto a website without any hassle. Web authoring tools: Web authoring tools Is a type of software that allows the user to change a web site In a desktop publishing format.If a company where to Install this software then they will then be able to change their web page whenever they want to. The software will user designs. E-commerce Networking Ports: Ports connect protocols and IP addresses together. Each computer has several ports for data to pass through, they are virtual so they cannot be seen. Each port has a number to identify it and it can be opened or closed. There are some default ports such as port 35 is usually for email and port 80 is usual for the internet, although these can be changed.For a web server, it Is good practice to close all ports that are not being used otherwise hackers can take advantage of open ports to get into the system. A port is identified for each address and protocol by a 16-bit number, commonly known as the port number. The port number, added to a computer's IP address, completes the destination address for a communications session. TCP/IP Addresses: You need TCP/IP to connect to the Internet. You install TCP/IP to use with the dial To make sure the data reaches the right location on a network, each computer is given a unique number called an IP address.It is a set of four numbers each from O to 255, for example 145. 2. 78. 255 would be an IP address a specific computer on a network. When you connect to the internet using TCP/IP it provides you with all the internet features such as email, web browsers and file transfer. You can also use the various different programs TCP/IP i ncludes to access information on the internet. Protocols: A protocol is an agreed way of networking also known as ‘hand shake'. If computers don't use the same protocol it becomes impossible for them to understand the data reanimated between them.

Retail and auto sales Essay

In terms of the GDP, most of the analysis that goes towards decline is negative, and rise is positive. In some cases, though, a rise is actually negative, such as the fact that a rise in inflation is negative, or a rise in the price of oil is negative, while a rise in the GDP or personal income could be seen as more positive. It is important to understand these basics before an analysis of the indicators can really proceed. If a person does not understand the basics of economic indicators, they are not going to be able to take their knowledge and do anything with it. They will be left with a certificate of knowledge, with no personal knowledge to back it up. The most recent figure of a . 06 GDP represents weakness. Unemployment As the above statistic shows, an overall determination of the status of the current US economy is complicated by issues of declining employment as well, particularly in banking sectors. There are definite signs of a slowdown in some areas, but there are other areas that are more optimistic. Many people see room for optimism within this objectively, while others are more pessimistic or cynical about the future and say that things will have to be worse before they can be better. Actions of the Federal Reserve have helped to shore up some elements of the economy, but underlying problems do remain. As one source notes, â€Å"The Fed has quelled the panic that prevailed in the financial markets until recently. But it still has to nurse an economy weighted down by massive bad debts. That is likely to require a period of easier money†¦ with banks hoarding, consumer confidence in the pits, and housing still in freefall, it may be too early for optimism† (Coy, 2008). Still another source notes that while some elements of the economy may actually benefit from the current situation in terms of job creation, the mass majority of indicators shows a situation in which there are problematic dimensions of unemployment and layoffs such as the ones in the auto industry recently: â€Å"As long as the largest asset on household and bank balance sheets continues to deflate, the credit and consumption hits will keep coming. The worst is not over†¦ commodity prices and gold will go up. The loser? Oh, pretty much the rest of us† (Up, 2008). Of course, this is just one subjective opinion, that seems to be somewhat slanted towards an over-valuation of the housing market’s impact. Retail and auto sales Retail and auto sales have fallen with a fall in consumer confidence, and major US automakers have asked for part of the bailout that is now being sunk into the banking sector. â€Å"Aside from questions about the wisdom of government intervention or putting taxpayer money at risk, bailing out Detroit could put Washington in the position of subsidizing job losses† (Auto, 2008). On the other hand, some argue that a bailout is needed to help this industry. Consumers are spending less on retail than expected, but are still spending. In terms of auto sales, â€Å"The car makers have at least 10 assembly plants more than they need to meet demand, according to Oliver Wyman Consulting. That translates to roughly 30,000 factory jobs plus significant numbers of engineers and other salaried personnel. GM estimates it needs to slash its salaried-employee costs in North America by 30%. † (Auto, 2008). Too many variables can change in the external environment for most prognostications about the future of the US economy to be taken totally literally. What people who do propose to predict the future do, however, is to take the past and present indicators such as those in the auto industry and retail, into account and determine the likelihood of certain scenarios, based on confirmation from past facts and patterns that have held true throughout economic history. In this manner, those who look to the future can say something like, the economy will recover in a certain amount of time, or will fall again, based on many examples of this happening in the past. In the same way, people look to the past of economic improvements and adjustments to see the future economically. Bank and mortgage failures In terms of bank failures, a major factor was the swaps against sub-prime mortgages that pushed the otherwise profitable company to the brink of bankruptcy. As the mortgages ties to the swaps defaulted, companies that have since been bailed out such as giants of the banking industry like Washington Mutual and insurance industry like AIG were forced to raise millions in capital. â€Å"As stockholders got wind of the situation, they sold their shares, making it even more difficult for these companies and banks to cover the swaps. AIG could has more than enough assets to cover the swaps, but couldn’t sell them before the swaps came due† (A profile, 2008). This has led the government to install a bailout in terms of loans to banks and other companies that have put further stress on the global economy. In return, the government often becomes a partial holder or owner of the company, getting such perks as â€Å"veto power over all important decisions, including asset sales and payment of dividends† (A profile, 2008). The original plan to dissolve one company affected by the bailout, AIG, and sell it piecemeal should be revived as soon as the economy will permit. â€Å"The plan was for the Fed to break up AIG and sell off the pieces to repay the loan. However, the stock market plunge in October made that impossible, as potential buyers needed any excess cash for their own balance sheets. Therefore, the Treasury Department will instead purchase $40 billion in preferred shares from its Capital Repurchase Plan† (Profile, 2008). It is the overall conclusion of this report that the economy is currently experiencing a crisis that is, at the current writing, on the very inside edge of a recession, and that since 2007, the government has made efforts to curb the crisis by first raising and then lowering interest rates, and then setting up a semi-nationalized banking system and the so called bailout fund which helped many companies stay alive. Stock market The stock market has always risen and fallen with various demand curves. The demand the consumer had in terms of the demand curve then outdistanced the supply, because of many factors in the external environment. There is also the issue of banks and credit, which affects many consumers directly. â€Å"The Fed’s latest survey of bank loan officers found a further marked tightening of credit, both in terms of charges and more stringent requirements for borrowers. Some 70% of banks had tightened standards for residential mortgages† (Forsyth, 2008). Many banks have also lowered interest garnered in savings and money market accounts. And of course, there is also the issue of Iraq, which is also a political issue. Currently, all of these issues are affecting the stock market. At the present time of writing, the stock market has posted modest gains for the day, after a brief rally and then a fall in the early week. The chart shown below illustrates the state of the stock market at the current writing, and can be interpreted as such in viewing. Consumer confidence Another important theme and issue that affects particularly economic factors in the present is the confidence of the consumer. The future is never set in stone, but present demographic indicators can give commentators some idea of what is going to happen in terms of fiscal policy. GDP refers to Gross Domestic Product, which has slowed down somewhat but is still up in the first quarter. CPI refers to Consumer Price Index, about with the Federal Reserve is involved in terms of predictions about inflation because of interest rates. PPI refers to production price index, and is going up. In terms of how the economy is doing generally regarding some of these indicators, as one source states, â€Å"Consumer spending on goods plunged 2. 6%, but outlays for housing, medical care and other services rose†¦ heading into the second quarter, while overall April payrolls shrunk by 20,000 jobs, services added 90,000†¦ services make up almost 60% of the Gross Domestic Product† (Cooper, 2008). In other words, while some of the indicators are up, others are down, showing a volatile economy in general. REFERENCE Cooper, J (2008). Services: Heavyweight in a hard fight. Businessweek. Coy, P (2008). The Fed may have more cutting to do. Businessweek. Forsyth, R (2008). Corporates boom, tanks tighten. Barron’s. Auto makers force bailout issues (2008). Wall Street Journal. Profile of AIG (2008). http://useconomy. about. com/od/businesses/p/AIG. htm

Starbucks in China - 4917 Words

Starbucks Corporation in China Company overview Starbucks Corporation is one of the most famous coffee retailers in the world. According to Starbucks Corporation (2012), it runs over 55 countries in many regions including North America, Asia Pacific, Latin America and so forth. Starbucks headquarter is located in Seattle, Washington, USA. It has approximately 149,000 employees. According to Starbucks Corporation (2012), its company verified the income of 11,700.4 million dollars during the fiscal year of 2011, which is an increase 9.3% over the fiscal year of 2010. In addition, the net profit of the firm was 1,245.7 million dollars in fiscal year of 2011, which rose 31.7% over the fiscal year of 2010. This Company is considered as†¦show more content†¦Starbucks has criteria to choose international partner including an associate company who share the values and mutual culture, a companion with a plan appropriate with the firm, a local business leader, a firm that has a strong track record developing new ventures, and so forth. It seeks to assure that its local partner will share its value and commitment in order to bring the firm experience to customers worldwide. For example, Starbucks Corporation has many alliances in order to enter to China’ s market including Mei da Coffee Co., Shanghai President Coffee Co., and Maxim’s Caterers Li mited (Santamaria 2008). As Forbes.com (2003) asserted that Starbucks Company has improved following the process of international expansion including a selection of local partner who are local business leader. Moreover, Starbucks try to adapt the business to traditional of each country (Harrison et al. 2005). There are many reasons why Starbucks used joint venture instead of other modes. First reason is that the government does not want foreign firms to own 100% of the business in China so it cannot use the wholly owned subsidiaries as an entry mode for this country. Second, Starbucks has seen that if it used franchise or license, the quality of the product may decrease, as the quality of both coffee and employee is low. Last, joint venture is quite safe from the financial risk so Starbucks wisely choose this entry mode forShow MoreRelatedStarbucks in China1227 Words   |  5 PagesCase study: Starbucks in China Starbucks – A global company? The 1971 founded company Starbucks has undergone an impressive expansion throughout the last years and as a result now is the leading coffee house retailer in the world. 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As of July 2012, the company has 17, 651 stores in 60 different countries around the worldRead MoreStarbucks Is Taking China By Storm1277 Words   |  6 PagesStarbuck s has become a staple of American culture and for the most part, if you are in your 20 s, you have grown up with it and this has become what you expect coffee to be. Who can blame you, it is everywhere, so wake up and smell the coffee! I plan to tell you about the strategies that this giant uses, that have taken it from humble beginnings to a worldwide phenomenon. I also intend to explain how Starbucks is taking China by storm, mainly because marketer / entrepreneur Howard Schultz s